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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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country in which to instigate a Communist uprising, but now the neigh-
bours on the opposite side of every frontier of the Soviet Union were to
become the first objective for the Russian's expansion of the ' Union of
toilers,3 It was nothing less than a complete return to the conception of
Tsarist imperialism,, with the difference that the arguments used to justify
these activities were adapted to the Soviet's existing stock of Communist
slogans. For some time., at least during the first twenty years,, they had
changed the slogans of Tsarist imperialism to c self-determination' of
nations and c liberation of oppressed peoples.5 But when this movement
of liberation was due to begin among their nearest neighbours., the Soviet
theorists drew forward their dogma of c security of the socialist country *
—a dogma which played a predominant role in the internal policy of
their country and was expressed in the argument that the * building of
socialism in one country cannot secure it when that country was encircled
by the hostile seas of a capitalist world.'
In 19385 Stalin wrote his famous letter to Comrade Ivanov, once more
stressing this tenet :
" We would be in a position to say that the victory (of socialism in the
Soviet Union) is complete, if our country were situated on an island and
if it had not many other (capitalist) countries around it. But since we do
not live on an island but in a c system of States,' a considerable number
of which are hostile to the land of socialism, thus creating the danger of
intervention and restoration (of the bourgeois system), we say openly and
honestly that the victory of socialism in our country is not yet complete.
" This problem remains to be solved ... It can be solved only by
uniting the serious efforts of the international proletariat with the still
more serious efforts of the entire Soviet people."
What " these serious efforts of the Soviet people " meant was seen in
1939-19403 when Russia occupied the free countries behind her western
frontier and,, without any " effort of the international proletariat/' was
able " to push the western world back a fraction." The conquered
territories were immediately ' fortified.' In the language of Moscow,
this meant that over twenty million inhabitants, comprising Poles,
Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians and Moldavians, were forthwith inserted
within the framework of the Soviet system. Thus, by the consequent
break-up of the bourgeois order in those countries, the security of the
Soviet Union was increased ' a fraction.' but no more, since, according to
the view of the Kremlin, the Soviet Union would only be finally secured
from the threat of invasion and fresh war through the sovietisation of
the * system of States 'and then the whole world. Stalin's formula clearly
indicated the necessity of introducing Communism in every country as a
measure of defence for the U.S.S.R.
It would be a mistake to consider that the sovietisation of any country
is merely limited to the removal of the bourgeois order—internationalism
with its dictatorship is one and the same and cannot be divided ; in fact,
* there is room for only one State in the world.9 This resurrected idea,
Moscow—a third Rome, was unmistakably expressed by Stalin in his theory